Chris Moore posted a story on Ed Moloney’s Broken Elbow website in 2023. It blew the lid off attempts by MI5, the RUC, and BBC management to suppress vitally important facts about the Kincora scandal. The story subsequently appeared in his new book on the Kincora scandal, ‘Kincora, Britain’s Shame‘ (2025).
MI5 had plenty of time between the publication of the article by Moore on the Broken Elbow in 2023 and the appearance of his book in 2025 to plan and deploy a nasty, dirty trick against him.
1. A ‘honey trap’ baited with children.
Put simply, MI6, MI5 and the RUC Special Branch ran Kincora and other homes as ‘honey traps’ to ensnare and blackmail Unionist politicians and paramilitaries who abused children.
Moore discovered that one of the staff at Kincora, William McGrath had told the RUC he had links to British Intelligence:
‘I had good sources in the RUC team investigating Kincora and two of them informed me that McGrath’s claims about getting information from British intelligence were true because he was their agent. In late night meetings in deserted car parks, I was told that my stories were ruffling feathers in London more than in Northern Ireland.‘
Kincora is arguably the worst scandal of the entire Troubles.
Children were abused for decades at a variety of care homes and Portora Royal College. The abuse was organised by Stormont civil servants and politicians (such as Joss Cardwell MP) as well as by figures at the level of local authority, and by court officials (such as Ken Lamour). Joe Mains, the Warden of Kincora, was close to Loyalist terrorists such as John McKeague. William McGrath was placed in the home as ‘housefather’ in June of 1971 – most likely by Sir Maurice Oldfield of MI6.
McGrath was close to Ian Paisley, the UVF and the UDA. He was also an arms smuggler and commander of Tara, yet another paramilitary group.
Mains and McGrath trafficked the boys to Loyalist terrorists and politicians. MI5 recorded sex sessions at the Park Avenue hotel in Belfast and elsewhere. The RUC Special Branch protected these operations. Loyalist killers were recruited via blackmail to murder on behalf of MI5. Politicians were compromised.
VIPs such as Lord Mountbatten and other VIPs, such as James Molyneaux MP, enjoyed access to a steady supply of vulnerable children.
Hence, we have: child abuse, blackmail, the subversion of democracy, perversion of the course of justice, state sponsorship of terrorism, gunrunning, state malfeasance and murder, all rolled up into one compound of evil.
After the scandal erupted, more crimes took place: police cover-ups, attacks on the freedom of the press, interference with the charter of the BBC, the intimidation of witnesses, perjury on an industrial scale at various inquiries, the misleading of Parliament, the forgery of documents and murder (McKeague was assassinated by British agents inside the INLA).
This is why the Kincora scandal will not go away.
This is why files on Kincora are to be locked away for decades yet.
Kincora was so evil that the British state will never be able to admit the truth. It is simply too embarrassing. It would destroy Britain’s reputation around the globe if it came clean, even now. The British Royal family and the Conservative Party would sustain considerable reputational damage.
Moore’s work, however, shines a considerable amount of light on the sordid Kincora cover-up.
2. An honest cop in the RUC.
A particularly shocking passage in Moore’s article in the Broken Elbow described the role of ‘David’, an officer of the RUC, who discovered what was going on at the home five years before the Irish Independent finally brought the scandal to light.
‘David’ was quite clearly a diligent and honourable cop. If only there had been more like him in the RUC, a lot of children would have escaped the clutches of the Kincora paedophiles. Instead, the RUC, MI5, MI6 and senior figures at BBC NI were dominated by indisputably evil men who let the child abuse continue, and then covered up the State’s role in this shameful scandal.
3. The Police Ombudsman of Northern Ireland
In September 2022, the Police Ombudsman of Northern Ireland published a report which confirmed that the RUC knew about the abuse at Kincora yet failed to halt it.
The excuse put forward for the RUC’s failure to intervene was that they were overstretched. Moore demolishes that myth. ‘David’ had done all the work. Moore describes how:
‘David’s inquiries led him to Kincora. He began to watch Kincora. He built up a profile of people coming and going at Kincora who had no legitimate business in going into the building. He told me he took photographs of individuals; captured car registrations and identified the owners. Among those he says he positively identified were Justices of the Peace; two police officers; businessmen and two Englishmen who were officials from the Northern Ireland Office based at Stormont.‘
The Kincora scandal is one of the darkest stains on the RUC’s reputation. ‘David’ is the only RUC figure to emerge from it thus far with his honour intact.
4. MI5’s Ministry of Truth.
The machinations at the BBC to destroy Moore’s relationship with ‘David’ were nothing less than Orwellian.
Moore described how:
‘David said he had been hauled over the coals because one of my superiors in the BBC had allegedly informed an Asst. Chief Constable that David was my source and had identified him by name. Wow! Really? If David was correct, in my first ever investigative story I had been betrayed by someone within my place of work and who had also betrayed the principle of source protection adopted by journalists. I learned a painful lesson about trust. I thought I knew who had given up my source but never confronted that individual. Just learned an important message about trust!
‘Understandably David severed all communication with me. With his disappearance from my life went all the material he had gathered and which he said he might hand over to me someday as it was obviously extremely relevant to Kincora. So if the aim was to kill off any prospect of a Kincora story emerging, it was now gone. Dead in the water, as they say. Somehow someone had managed to close down this potentially harmful information about Kincora.‘
There were other disturbing incidents at the BBC involving strange goings-on related to Kincora, which Moore recounts in his book and in his Broken Elbow article. One involves a story about Ian Paisley’s links to William McGrath, which was spiked by the suits at the BBC; another about a security guard at BBC NI with connections to MI5 who knew confidential details about Moore’s ongoing inquiries into the story. They can be read by clicking here: https://thebrokenelbow.com/?s=Clayp&submit=Search
5. Moles at the Beeb.
MI5 ran a secret office at the BBC in London from where it exerted a malign influence over the corporation. Moore’s revelations indicate it had a firm grip on key decision-makers at BBC NI, too.
Moore revealed to The Broken Elbow that:
‘There was among some of us within the BBC a regular concern about government presence in the corporation and interference in the way the BBC interpreted freedom of speech. It was well known for instance that BBC recruitment regularly accepted university graduates that had already been recruited elsewhere into Britain’s secret services.‘
The assistant D-G of the BBC in the 1980s, Alan Protheroe, had links to the intelligence services, as did others. The corporation employed many ex-Ministry of Defence (MoD) officials. MI5 and MI6 officers often masqueraded as MoD employees.
In the early 1980s, Margaret Thatcher appointed Dame Daphne Park to the BBC’s Board of Governors. Park was ex-MI6. By her own admission, she had helped the CIA have Patrice Lumumba, the Prime Minister of the Congo, murdered. Park meddled in the BBC’s coverage of Ireland, particularly a documentary featuring Martin McGuinness.
The BBC commissioned a drama about the plight of Colin Wallace, a Kincora whistle-blower, a few years later. The script was handed into the BBC’s reception desk in London and promptly disappeared, never to be found.
6. Sir James Savile and the BBC
Kincora was the tip of a far larger scandal connected to VIP sex abuse across Northern Ireland and Great Britain. MI5 managed to conceal the existence of the wider network.
Abuse continued apace at other homes across the UK.
Some victims committed suicide.
The BBC had the information, first-rate journalists, and reach to bring the network around Kincora crashing down.
Lord Louis Mountbatten would have been exposed. He abused boys from Kincora, Portora Royal College, and elsewhere, while in Ireland.
Instead, BBC management let the abuse fester.
Egregiously, the BBC employed the likes of the brutal paedophile Jimmy Savile, a close friend of Lord Mountbatten, and protected him from scrutiny.
On 25 February 2016, Dame Janet Smith published a 700-page report into the sexual abuse perpetrated by Jimmy Savile at the BBC. ‘The culture of the BBC enabled Savile to go undetected for decades and that the BBC missed at least five opportunities to stop the abuse,’ she wrote.
BBC staff members were aware of complaints against Savile, but did not pass the information to senior management due to the ‘culture of not complaining’.
Dame Janet continued to describe an ‘atmosphere of fear’ which was still evident at the BBC. Some of those interviewed by her did so only after being assured their names would not be published, as they feared reprisal.
How much of this fear was generated by MI5 is anyone’s guess. If Savile had been arrested, he might have disclosed what he knew about the multiple overlapping paedophile rings that rippled across Britain, Ireland and beyond. Lord Mountbatten’s name would have surfaced. A front page article I co-wrote for a now-defunct Dublin magazine about Mountbatten and Kincora in 1990 was ignored by the rest of the media, including – of course – the BBC. If Savile, however, had revealed all, it would have been impossible for MI5 to have contained the wider scandal. See Mountbatten exposed, 1990.
7. Blaming the victims.
While the BBC and mainstream press were being neutered, MI5 sent a police team from England to inquire – or so the public was told – into the RUC’s inaction over the scandal. It was led by Sir George Terry, the then Chief Constable of the Sussex Police.
Terry confined the ambit of the abuse to the staff at Kincora. He found no evidence of a wider network.
According to the report by Terry, one of the reasons it took so long for the scandal to become public knowledge was that some of the boys derived ‘sexual satisfaction or pleasure’ from what had happened to them. These rape victims wanted to ‘conceal from them “their guilty secret”’.
8. No difference between homosexuals and paedophiles – according to the Sussex police.
Terry could see no difference between homosexuality and paedophilia and described the abuse at the home as one involving ‘homosexual crimes’.
The Terry Report should be viewed as an anti-homosexual ‘hate crime’.
An attempt was made – by MI5, no doubt – to ‘disappear’ the Terry Report, but a copy can be found via the link above.
9. Moore and the Terry Inquiry.
The Sussex Police interviewed Moore at the BBC. He recounts how they had to be asked to leave the building:
‘I was interviewed by Flenley and Harrison [of the Sussex Police] in news editor Stephen Claypole’s office. It proceeded in the clichéd good cop, bad cop manner for a short time. Stephen Claypole intervened and asked the two officers to leave the building. Next time I’d be accompanied by a BBC lawyer, he told them. I escorted the two men down one flight of stairs to the front door and said goodbye.‘
10. Terry and Colin Wallace.
Terry’s Kincora team was the same unit which framed Kincora whistle-blower Colin Wallace for manslaughter in England. Wallace was eventually cleared and compensated, but he spent over six years in prison.
11. Eric Witchell, the only person known to share the faith of BBC management in the Hart Report.
The only individual known to express confidence in the Hart Report – aside from the cabal at the BBC – is Eric Witchell, a convicted paedophile.
Witchell was a key part of the wider Kincora network. He uses the Hart report to defame Richard Kerr, a former victim of abuse at Williamson House and Kincora.
Witchell ran Williamson House.
Kerr was abused at Williamson House at the age of 8. He was raped one night while he clutched his soft toy. The rapist was a stranger who crept into his room, either Witchell or someone he let in.
Witchell was a friend of Joe Mains and William McGrath, both of whom worked at Kincora.
Judge Hart did not bother to interview Eric Witchell. Instead, Hart used his report to defame the victims of Kincora. The Hart report – and let no one make any bones about it – defames the victims as liars. Hart castigated Kincora survivors such as Kerr, who stated the wider paedophile network had abused them. They were liars in Hart’s fantasy world because he – Hart – knew better: the only abuse of Kincora boys was that which had taken place at the hands of the staff at the home.
Hart retraumatised these victims of child rape.
There is a piece of footage online that shows Judge Hart giving a speech in which he refers to himself as a ‘lazy’ student at Trinity College. The best thing to be said about his clownish 2017 report is that laziness lies at its root.
12. The IICSA.
The so-called Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse (IICSA), based in London, submitted its report on VIP sex abuse without interviewing Eric Witchell, who lives in London. The IICSA ignored VIP sex abuse with links to Ireland, even that involving Westminster MPs. It also ignored the role of Lord Mountbatten in child abuse.
The IICSA report on VIP abuse reads like something cobbled together by a tremulous AI chatbot.
13. Meet the new boss
Sadly, little has changed at the BBC.
The BBC commissioned a documentary entitled ‘The Lost Boys of Belfast’. It featured new information about Alan Campbell, a Kincora abuser who was the chief suspect in the murder of a ten-year-old boy in 1973. The documentary was made for BBC NI by Alleycats. Chris Moore participated in the production. It was meant to have been broadcast in May of 2021. I was in touch with the Alleycats researchers in the very early stages of production. New ground was broken by the investigation. RUC officers who investigated Alan Campbell gave interviews on camera.
Key figures at the BBC are blocking the transmission of ‘The Lost Boys’. They are relying on the findings of the lamentable Hart Report of 2017, which confirmed Terry’s core conclusion, i.e., Kincora was not part of a child abuse network. Judge Sir Anthony Hart, a graduate of Portora Royal College and Trinity College Dublin, wrote it.
See also: Kincora’s darkest secret.
The Hart Report of 2017 was a shambles, almost as egregious as the Terry Report, but for different reasons (laziness, negligence, a sloppy failure to digest facts, internal contradictions, ignoring key witnesses, reliance on the perjury of an RUC officer called Caskey, reliance on forged documents, snobbery, daft speculation, etc). See Operation Clockwork Orange, a free 60,000-word webbook for more details:
The only people to profess confidence in the Hart Report in 2023 are certain key figures at the BBC (and one convicted child rapist). The figures at the BBC claim the Hart Report is the last word on the Kincora scandal and hence ‘The Lost Boys’ should not be broadcast.
The documentary was eventually uploaded to YouTube and can be viewed by clicking the link below:
14. Huw Edwards – the same old story
Notwithstanding the uproar over Jimmy Savile, the BBC continued to harbour paedophiles at the highest level. Huw Edwards, the former face of BBC News, pleaded guilty at Westminster Magistrates’ Court on 31 July to a series of charges involving sexual images of children. The charges comprised six Category A images and twelve Category B images. Category A includes penetrative sexual activity; Category B, non-penetrative sex.
Two of Edwards’ Category A images ‘showed a child aged between about seven and nine’. They were supplied to Edwards by Alex Williams, a convicted paedophile. Edwards also had a Category A video featuring a young boy.
Edwards has a long history of sexual misconduct at the BBC. His undoing came after a 2023 complaint by the parents of a 17-year-old youth who was supplying him with indecent photographs and had received £35,000 in return. He was using the money to fund a cocaine habit.
Edwards presented the BBC’s coverage of Prince Philip’s funeral in 2021, during the Covid restrictions. On the eve of the funeral, he suggested to a junior BBC producer that he stay with Edwards in Edwards’s hotel room for the night. Edwards sent the young man a photo of the room as an enticement.
Edwards, on a salary of £529,999, wielded enormous clout at the BBC. He was formerly the BBC News chief political correspondent and spent more than 14 years reporting on politics from Westminster, appearing on Newsnight and Panorama. His career with the BBC dated back to 1984.
His celebrity status was confirmed in 2012 when he played himself in the James Bond film ‘Skyfall’, where he presented a news report about a fictionalised attack on MI6’s HQ.
Another victim soon stepped forward, who revealed there was nothing subtle about Edwards’ grooming while at the BBC.
‘Emyr’ was a teenage musician who had performed in his school uniform at an event compered by Edwards in Wales. The BBC man was smitten and sent him messages calling him ‘babe’ and ‘big boy’, festooned with hearts and kisses. When ‘Emyr’ reached 18, Edwards took him on a personal tour of the BBC newsroom in London as part of a pattern of what ‘Emyr’ now realises was ‘grooming’ behaviour. Edwards made no attempt at stealth or discretion. On the contrary, the older man openly introduced him to BBC colleagues as a ‘friend’ who had a ‘musical talent’.
‘Emyr’ told Y Byd ar Bedwar, a programme on the Welsh language broadcaster, S4C, that no one at the BBC challenged Edwards about what his young ‘friend’ was doing in the newsroom.
Edwards now joins the BBC’s rogues’ gallery of paedophiles. It includes Jimmy Savile, Rolf Harris, Jonathan King, Stuart Hall, Chris Langham, Chris Denning and Benjamin Thomas.
Jonathan King.
Meanwhile, BBC DJ Tim Westwood faces multiple allegations of sexual misconduct from women. The BBC has delayed publication of its report on him because of an ongoing police investigation into allegations dating back four decades. In October 2025, Westwood was charged with four counts of rape, nine counts of indecent assault, and two counts of sexual assault, relating to alleged offences against seven women between 1983 and 2016. He appeared at Southwark Crown Court on 8 December, pleaded not guilty to the charges of rape, sexual assault and indecent assault, and was granted bail until his trial, which is due to begin in January 2027.
Scott Mills, a familiar voice on BBC Radio, has been removed from his role as host of BBC Radio 2’s breakfast show following allegations of a police investigation into historical sexual offences.
Mills is best known for hosting “The Scott Mills Show” on BBC Radio 1 from 2004 to 2022. In January 2025, he took over BBC Radio 2’s flagship breakfast show, succeeding Zoe Ball. Mills has also been a UK commentator for the Eurovision Song Contest, marking a 27-year career across BBC radio and television.
The Metropolitan Police launched an investigation into Mills in December 2016, concerning allegations of sexual offences against a teenage boy aged under 16. The alleged incidents took place between 1997 and 2000, when Mills was in his twenties.
The police investigation, which included interviewing Mills under caution in 2018, was finalised in May 2019. The Crown Prosecution Service decided that the evidence required to bring charges had not been met. The BBC was aware of the ongoing police investigation in 2017. However, it is understood that Tony Hall, the then DG of the BBC, was not informed of the allegations. The BBC’s current leadership recently became aware of ‘new information’, leading to Mills’ dismissal in March 2026.
Questions still exist about how the BBC managed these matters. Why was there no action taken regarding Mills in 2017? If MI5 was not responsible, who else could have influenced the withholding of information about Mills from the Director General?
People are scratching their heads, wondering how the BBC attracted so many sexual deviants over the decades. One culprit that springs to mind is MI5, an organisation that was obsessed – for sordid reasons – with the sexual lives of public figures. During the 1970s-1980s and beyond, MI5 collected sexual ‘kompromat’ to exploit public figures. In the 1980s, MI5 had an office at the BBC’s HQ, from which its snoops crept out to spy on those employed at the station.
If the MI5 curtain twitchers knew about Huw Edwards’ secret life (and perhaps many others who have not been exposed), they probably rubbed their hands with glee as he climbed the corporate ladder, knowing they could control him. The BBC, after all, is an ever-present threat to MI5 as it occasionally exposes their wrongdoing.
15. A long and sordid – and murderous – history of service to Britain’s intelligence services.
For nearly a century, the BBC has portrayed itself as the world’s preeminent broadcaster. Belying this, it has often acted as a propaganda tool for the various branches of British intelligence. Unsurprisingly, it rallied to the cause during World War II.
In 1953, the BBC assisted MI6 in overthrowing Iranian PM Mossadegh. On 18 August 2013, the 60th anniversary of the coup, the BBC finally acknowledged its role in the affair. Even more damning, a document surfaced revealing that the Foreign Office had thanked the British Ambassador to Tehran for a list of vilification targets who were subsequently smeared by the BBC during the operation. The BBC coordinated closely with Britain’s head of black propaganda, Sir John Peck, who later served as British ambassador to Dublin from 1970 to 1973.
In October 1965, the BBC aided MI6 in promoting the false claim that a communist coup d’état was underway in Indonesia. Sir Andrew Gilchrist, former Chair of the Joint Intelligence Committee (Asia) and later ambassador to Dublin, played a key role in the plot. The turmoil he and the BBC inflamed led to the slaughter of 500,000 people, according to Amnesty International.
As described earlier, throughout this period, MI5 maintained an office inside the BBC — Room 105 — where it sought to destroy the careers of those suspected of left-wing sympathies. One notable case involved Isobel Hilton, a respected journalist who was a member of an entirely legitimate Chinese society; MI5 agents mistook it for a different organisation run by Chinese communists and stopped her acquiring a job at the BBC.
The existence of the MI5 office was exposed by the media in 1985, when it was headed by Brigadier Ronnie Stonham. Although the BBC later claimed MI5’s influence had been curtailed, the agency remained active within the corporation into the 1990s, and possibly beyond. Prior to his BBC role, Stonham served as Brigadier General Staff (Author) at the Ministry of Defence, where he wrote the classified operational history of the Northern Ireland campaign.
The BBC’s Newsnight was also used as part of an MI5 plot to topple the chief of Garda intelligence, Assistant Commissioner Joseph Ainsworth, after he began a mole hunt to root out British agents inside the gardai.
See: Dowra.
16. Sabotage and dirty tricks.
A sinister attempt was made to derail the sale of Moore’s new book.
‘Kincora’s Lost Boys (KLB): The Truth MI5 Buried’, written by an anonymous author, went on sale via Amazon at the same time as Moore’s new book on Kincora. It purported to delve into the Kincora child sex abuse scandal but offered no new revelations.
The book was riddled with inaccuracies, potentially rivalling the criticised 2017 Hart Report, which also investigated Kincora. In contrast, Moore’s book, ‘Kincora Britain’s Shame’, produced detailed evidence that Kincora was exploited as a ‘honeytrap’ by MI5 to compromise Unionist politicians and paramilitaries.
KLB asserted that Moore broke the Kincora scandal with an article in the Irish Independent in January 1980. The piece was actually written by Peter McKenna. Moore never claimed the credit for it.
KLB attacked Moore’s work claiming it ‘suggests [a RUC] detective secretly photographed VIPs at Kincora and logged car registrations, but these records, if they exist, remain classified or lost’. Moore actually revealed the existence of these records to his superiors at the BBC, who then alerted the RUC. The RUC subsequently browbeat the detective into silence. The detective destroyed the evidence upon his retirement.
KLB leaned heavily on the Hart Report, stating that Hart found ‘no proof of [MI5] complicity or a wider paedophile ring involving high-profile figures‘.
The publication defended Lord Mountbatten’s reputation, despite allegations that he abused boys in Ireland stating that ‘no declassified MI5 documents mention Mountbatten in connection with Kincora’. This overlooks that numerous Kincora files remain classified by MI5 and are not scheduled for release until 2085.
The publication questioned the ‘logistics of the claims’ surrounding Mountbatten, arguing that ‘no Garda or RUC records confirm’ his involvement. This ignores that Andrew Lownie and I were denied access to garda log books documenting visits to Mountbatten’s Sligo residence.
KLB asserted that the Belfast Welfare Authority, which oversaw Kincora, was underfunded and unaware of the abuse. However, Joss Cardwell, one of the abusers at Kincora, chaired the Authority. His name appeared frequently in the home’s visitor logs, and he transported boys around Belfast to abusers. Cardwell later committed suicide to avoid facing the consequences, a fact ignored in KLB.
The book’s title, ‘Kincora’s Lost Boys’, seemed designed to attract readers interested in potential links between the Kincora paedophile ring and the disappearance of several boys in Belfast. Yet, KLB completely ignored these abductions.
Moore’s book was released during heightened public interest in the Epstein and Prince Andrew child abuse scandals. There was a real possibility Moore might have captured the attention of the British public. However, anyone searching for information on Kincora who encountered KLB might have mistakenly purchased it instead of Moore’s account.
Moore’s book was ignored by the mainstream British media and did not become a bestseller in Britain.
Overall, MI5 and Buckingham Palace were likely relieved that a major Kincora scandal did not erupt, and that the British public remained largely unaware of the truth about Mountbatten and the MI5 operatives who exploited a paedophile ring for their own purposes.
KLB disappeared from online availability after it was exposed by The Phoenix magazine in Dublin.
The strategy was used again to undermine the publication of Virginia Roberts Giuffre’s account of the abuse she suffered at the hands of Andrew Mountbatten-Windsor. Giuffre committed suicide in April 2025 after completing ‘Nobody’s Girl’ in which went on sale in October 2025. A wave of more than sixty books flooded Amazon, all of which are ‘independently published’. One was a mere 82 pages long. Anyone looking for Giuffre’s book would have had considerable difficulty picking it out from the slew of ‘independently published’ productions.
See also: Spoiler alert.
The strategy was used yet again to undermine the work of author and researcher Whitney Webb. She became the target of a dirty trick operation designed to distract from her work, which delves into the Jeffrey Epstein case. Webb’s research suggests that Epstein maintained connections to Western intelligence agencies and employed blackmail, facilitated through honeytrap operations, to control his targets. An AI-generated deepfake avatar appeared on YouTube, purporting to be Webb, and was used to spread misinformation, thereby undermining her credibility among her followers.
Next, a flood of low-quality, AI-generated books appeared on the market, including at least six purported biographies.
Overall, this tactic has become alarmingly common in attempts to muddy the waters surrounding books that describe the control of paedophile networks by Western intelligence agencies.
17. The search for the truth goes on.
Richard Kerr is pressing ahead with his High Court action against the State in Belfast.
Kerr’s case has been taken up in Washington by the powerful Irish National Caucus.
Meanwhile, the BBC keeps landing itself in trouble. The BBC recently apologised to Donald Trump for editing footage of him on the day of the January 6th riots in a misleading fashion. This development, coming in the wake of revelations about Martin Bashir’s interview, must be very embarrassing for the corporation.
For more about Kincora on this website, please click here: https://coverthistory.ie/category/kincora/
See: The Mountbatten Dossier. [WebBook]
See also: Prince Philip’s illicit sex life was monitored by Soviet spies. [WebBook]
See also: Kincora’s darkest secret.
See also Collecting kompromat. [WebBook.]
